"The election of 2018 will be similar to 1989." This is a diagnosis that has been much heard in recent months. Party fragmentation, excessive candidates, exotic TV figures competing, and especially the possibility of ascending to the second round with a relatively low percentage of votes.
This is an undefined scenario. There are movements from all sides in the articulation of broader alliances, besides the possibility of reissuing the false polarization of the last four elections, to choose who is the best manager of neoliberal policies.
In spite of this indefinite picture, a similarity with 89 will be the reappearance of the national issue at the heart of the debates. In that election, the candidate who brought at the core of his proposals the confrontation of the situation of underdevelopment and dependence of the country and the direct confrontation with the interests of the imperialism in Brazil was not for the second round by 0,5% of the votes. There are those who say that the elite chose the easiest candidate to defeat, giving a more sympathetic treatment to their candidacy on the eve of the first round and then aiming their cannons to defeat him in the second. The fact is that, a year earlier, according to documents released by the CIA in 2017, there were even moves in the barracks to trigger another military coup, in case of a victory of the Brizola . Being a nationalist around here has never been easy. Tiradentes, Getúlio, JK, Jango and Brizola paid high prices for countering internal and external interests embedded in the country.
Using his great capacity of communication with the masses, Brizola summed up, in a simple expression, what was "the deepest cause of Brazilian problems" - the famous international losses . The mainstream media, fulfilling its traditional role as press advisor to the Washington embassy, tried, by all means, to ridicule it, denouncing the "primary diagnosis." "Brazil has an occult partner," replied old Briza with his accentuated Pampas accent, "completing the conclusion that should terrify the prey elite and its foreign partners:" There is a complicity in the life of that country to maintain this economic model of colonial nature. Leonel Brizola , in the government, will do, from the first day, a ceaseless struggle, to derogate from this economic model, which is not re-formable! ">
But the economic model was reformed. And as predicted the Brizola , deepened dependence on Brazil, worsening its position in the international division of labor. The financialization of the economy has changed the mechanisms and intensity of wealth transfers to central countries. But in the context of 1989, of the debris of the economic model implanted in the military period, with its process of industrialization via multinationals, the international losses were given by a series of strategies, which are presented in the book Globalization versus Development , from Prof. Adriano Benayon.
In addition to manipulating the prices of international cartels that monopolized the production of certain goods, Benayon approaches what he calls the "price of foreign trade transfers." There was a process of under-invoicing that transnational corporations made of their export products and over-invoicing imports of inputs, which were not always used in production. This system, which erodes the country's external accounts, was carried out in various ways, from fraud, pure and simple, by falsifying the values of buying and selling, until the importation of machines and equipment surpassed the matrices, which had already paid the initial investment producing abroad for several years and being "sold" to its subsidiaries in the peripheral countries. These values, which entered as foreign investment in the country, did not actually increase production significantly, due to equipment lags, and did not represent actual investment, since import costs were paid in dollars to the matrix, sometimes with subsidies from the Brazilian State.
Technical assistance was another value transfer mechanism. The subsidiary company hired foreign technicians from the parent company and overcharged this expense, offering a service whose price it defined. The consultancies offered by the headquarters, to organize the production and to do market studies, followed the same scheme of remuneration.
There were also indirect ways of transferring wealth abroad, such as the destruction of the Brazilian merchant navy, which forced national companies to contract freight abroad, financial operations or exchange, not always necessary and done in banks owned, or service, of the parent companies and the breakdown of the monopoly of the insurance and reinsurance system that leads to the hiring of foreign companies to provide this service and evade more of the wealth produced in the country. This was the "complex picture" of international losses of the Brazilian economy, which Brizola denounced
All these mechanisms allowed to circumvent taxation on the transfer of profits, since they are registered as expenses, that is, they are slaughtered of the profits of the transnational companies. Therefore, it was also common to have "loans" from the parent companies to their subsidiaries. Thus, part of what could be taxed returned to the matrix as interest from such tax-free loans.
It was the transfer of this final profit, after the abatement of these various "expenditures," which President John Goulart attempted to tax under 3 3 1962, to make part of the wealth produced here invested in the country itself. The result we know: he was accused of Communism and deposed, following the route drawn by imperialism in Latin America, with the open support of the local oligarchies, making this foreign direct investment unregulated source of decapitalization of the country and not the other way around. That is what collapsed the economy of the military regime and left a bill to pay which has not closed until today.
Almost 30 years after the Brizola "to get there with a saw in hand to saw a leg of the economic model," the general international losses took on new forms with the finaceirization of the economy. The process of deindustrialization and internationalization of the economy that occurred in the country would certainly frighten the most pessimistic of the Brazilians in 89. The erosion of the external accounts and the situation of chronic unemployment that the reprimarization of the economy has been causing demand the return of the " international losses "To the political debate in 2018.
A globalização da economia “modernizou” o sistema e trouxe algumas praticidades. Hoje é bem mais simples esfolar os países periféricos. Todos esses trabalhosos mecanismos de transferência de riqueza ficaram obsoletos, apesar de ainda serem usados. O grosso da rapinagem estrangeira hoje se dá pelo sistema financeiro, via agiotagem oficial, com os juros de uma dívida pública que explodiu de 1994 para cá. A transferência agora é direta do Estado para os agiotas. São as perdas internacionais 2.0! É a atualização dos mecanismos de espoliação que faz o lema pedetista “Brizola vive!” se tornar muito mais que uma homenagem ao seu líder nos dias de hoje. Brizola vive, pois as tragédias do subdesenvolvimento e da dependência brasileira que ele viu (e combateu) continuam mais vivas que nunca.