The problem has known causes, exhaustively exposed to each crisis. The political use of violence in Rio de Janeiro also has known causes, exhaustively exposed to each crisis.
The geography that does not allow the isolation of poverty in remote ghettos, as in other capitals, accentuating the tensions of the striking Brazilian social inequality. An anti-drug law, sponsored by the US for reasons that have little to do with diminishing their damage in society, which makes trafficking activity especially profitable in this city of such peculiar geography. Corrosion of the police apparatus provided by these two previous variables. This is the diagnosis that comes to light with each new crisis in Rio.
The moments of "crisis" also need to be well analyzed, as they do not always coincide with outbreaks of violence. The crisis is continuous: armed bandits, shootings, gang warfare, lost bullets, slaughter and other shocking crimes, generating easy guidelines for police programs that show the desperation and uprising of the population. Since the 80 years, the phrase "can not be worse" closes reports on the subject.
At times, however, the news is giving a special emphasis to the problem. Striking scenes of heavily armed criminals and gusts of tracer bullets become ubiquitous in every newspaper. This sudden change of agenda may be preceded by a spike in violence rates, but this is not a prerequisite. There is a political use of news that serves purposes unrelated to public safety.
The problem is real and intensifies periodically. This is what happens in a scenario of devastation in the political world, promoted by the Lava Jato Party, and state bankruptcy - the result of an unprecedented economic crisis (which left Rio with 20% of the country's unemployed), low oil prices and scorching interest on the debt with the Union. Many states of the federation are moving in that direction. Even the rich state of São Paulo faces a potentially explosive situation, which did not explode just because they had obtained a court injunction in São Paulo that exempted them for 8 months of payment of debt with the Union and the Lava Party. have promoted the chaos in the unblemished bandeirantes lands.
In the case of Rio de Janeiro, faced with the constant pressure that its problem of urban violence generates, the rulers act and react. Reactions are made by increasing police numbers, buying more weapons, interventions by federal forces and, especially, good negotiations with the media to "soften" the news. As for the actions, these were from the Garotinho government's "legal police stations", which aimed to create the environment for the unification of the police, to be carried out by the Institute of Public Security, up to the plan of systematic occupation of the hills promoted by Cabral and Beltrame. All discontinued programs, including the only one that tried to intervene directly at the root of the problem: the CIEPs (Integrated Center for Public Education).
After his first win to the state government on 1982, Brizola and his deputy, Darcy Ribeiro, started the largest full-time education program in the country's history. The buildings, with the unique architecture of the Oscar Niemeyer project, began to be spread in the poor areas of Rio de Janeiro, serving each unit a thousand children who stayed there all day receiving, besides education, adequate food and medical care and dental practice.
To take over the government, Brizola had to face an electoral fraud attempt, the "PROCONSULT Case", which was attended by the Organizations Globe , as shown by Paulo Henrique Amorim and Maria Helena Passos in the book "Plim-plim: a Peleja de Brizola Against Electoral Fraud ". In the government, he had another confrontation with Globe in the construction of the Sambódromo, which led the broadcaster to try to sabotage the deadlines of the work (which was done in exact 110 days), with floods of material denouncing false problems in the concrete structure, and boycotting the Carnival broadcast of 1984. It should be noted that, following its main objective of revolutionizing the Carioca education, Brizola determined the installation of classrooms that served two thousand full-time children under the Marquês de Sapucaí bleachers, preventing construction from becoming idle outside the Carnival periods.
With this history, it is easy to imagine how the Globe When Brizola tried to elect Darcy Ribeiro governor in the elections of 1986, to give continuity to the program of the CIEPs. The net Globe , suddenly discovered that part of the financing of the Carioca Carnival had always come from the game of the animal. Soon, as Darcy came from a government that helped to improve the organization of the Carnival, he was the candidate of the bicheiros. A simple logic that, by the power of the Globe , was enough to wear off your application. Moreira Franco was elected; the CIEPs project was interrupted, which would have changed the face of the current Rio de Janeiro.
With the defeat in the presidential elections of 1989, that could have taken the CIEPs to all Brazil, Brizola is candidate in the following year to the government of Rio. Elected, it resumes its project with total gas, trying to recover the lost time. In order to have the size of the effort expended by Brizola in this project in 1993, his government invested 48% of the state's education budget! In all, it built 515 CIEPs, in addition to many technical schools and a university, the UENF.
In journalism Globe , this educational epic was hardly presented. In the period, many accusations, as usual, and the headlines of the sudden explosion of violence in government Brizola . The news about Rio de Janeiro focused on trawlers and many statements by people saying that the violence situation "can not get worse."
To feel the climate of the time, a curious fact was the well-known interview of the Brizola to Roda Viva in 1994, when he was competing for the last time in the presidency of the Republic. The central theme of the interview revolved around the violence in Rio in his government. With a magazine wrapped in his hands, Brizola answered all the questions until he revealed that he was carrying a Veja magazine of 1981, with the headline "Civil War in Rio", illustrated with a photo of a mountain of corpses, showing the antiquity of the problem. Another curiosity: in 1983, only 6 months after assuming for the first time the state government, the own Brizola was the cover of the same magazine, with the headline "Rio in fear: the week of looting."
Besides the defeat in the presidential election of 1994, the PDT also lost the succession of the carioca government. Assumed Marcello Alencar, of the PSDB, who once buried the program of the CIEPs. In 1982, a phrase spoken by Darcy Ribeiro in the campaign was famous: "If the governors do not build schools, in 20 years money will be lacking to build prisons." Today, Cariocas reap the effect of the defeat of this project and the state budget reflects this tragedy: the state's Public Security Secretariat absorbs $ 3 billion a year and the Education Department, $ 4 billion.
What is the role of the media in this?
The media monopoly makes the owners of public radio and television concessions as powerful as the representatives of the Republic's powers. Brizola that Roberto Marinho should found the POG - Partido dos Organizações Globe , to contest elections and make their political action legitimate. The party was not founded (perhaps the Lava Jets Party is as close as it has come to, and may be in the election of 2018), and the power to build the truth convenient to the powerful remains untouched.
Last week, with the military intervention in Rio de Janeiro, the Globe has published a story in Jornal Nacional and GloboNews, in which he presents excerpts from the speeches of Rio de Janeiro governors on the problem of urban violence. In chronological order, he equaled all the governors, since 1983, showing the failure of their security policies, despite their promises. In this narrative, Brizola , Moreira Franco and Marcello Alencar play the same role. The governor who created the CIEPs and those who buried him are presented by the company that served as a cuckold to the program as incompetent demagogues. In short, the Globe continues to fulfill its mission: by manipulating Brazilian problems, it attacks its political opponents and discourages the population from using the only weapon it has to effectively change the reality of politics.
Ajuda da Força Nacional de Segurança, aumento do efetivo, compra de novas armas, intervenção militar, mudanças na legislação penal, construção de presídios etc. Não importa a solução que se apresente ao problema ou quais intenções ocultas estão guiando as ações. Nesses momentos de “crise”, cabe sempre lembrar o ensinamento de Leonel de Moura Brizola, que viu dentro dos olhos do monstro: “Se a Globo for a favor, somos contra. Se for contra, somos a favor.”