In Latin America we have a tradition: we always welcome with warm welcome the foreigners who come here offering help in the fight against some internal enemy, as much as we are sure of the bad intentions contained in the offer. Neither are we very interested in the consequences of this attitude - becoming, we leave to the shamans. If the gringos do not bring the flu or smallpox, like the first time, we are already in profit.
A few years ago some of these foreigners landed here. They promised sophisticated navigational instruments (which caused shivers for the remembrance of the caravels) and promised to wound to death one of the most powerful enemies the country ever had: Rede Globo. Faced with the possibility of getting rid of this perpetual instability factor, which sponsored another coup in 2016, we received with a big smile our new friends from Google, Facebook and Netflix.
Estadunidenses?! Sim. Com más intenções?! As piores possíveis. Mas entregaram o que prometeram: secaram a renda publicitária da nossa inimiga, que agoniza tentando sugar até a última gota das verbas públicas de propaganda e busca, em vão, construir um lobby para expulsar os estrangeiros. Se fosse digna de misericórdia, talvez já tivesse recebido o tiro libertador. Enquanto não chega a hora derradeira, estrebucha os últimos estrebuchos, afundando lentamente no lamaçal que ajudou a construir.
As no one has more virtues than a corpse, I will propose at the funeral the recognition of a quality of the deceased network: they made good soap operas. Export product that fulfilled the role of standardizing habits and languages from north to south - which helped, to some extent, the maintenance of national unity in such a regionally unequal country. Of course, this was a costly way for local cultural identities, but the unity of the Nation is priceless!
Unlike most of the current novels, whose plots happen between the upper middle class of Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, the main stories filmed until the middle of the year 90 had as scenery the northeastern interior. To show the political and social backwardness expressed in the daily life of the small cities of the sertão allowed to launch a general criticism of the country's politics, while at the same time stigmatizing, very conveniently, the politicians coming from the region. The old Colonel denounced in an accent of the Northeast installed a sharp point in the ears of each Brazilian.
The conservation of archaic political practices in the North and Northeast of Brazil, so denounced by Globo, was linked to the agreement among the elites of the country that enabled our model of industrialization. On the one hand, the illustrated oligarchies represented at FIESP who wanted to modernize their productive parks, attracting multinational companies to the region. On the other, the oligarchies of the North and Northeast wanting to maintain their dominion in the traditional molds. This was the pact that sustained the coup d'état and erected the productive model that deepened regional inequalities in Brazil.
The developed South and the Late North is a coarse separation that hides the structural link in the development of the regions. The modern and the backward do not exist apart and constitute each other. It is the vision of totality, revealed by this "dialectic of dependence", which allows us to understand the dynamics of Brazilian development and the results of this "uneven and combined development" in our country.
Besides the political cohesion created by the agreements of the regional elites, which sustained the modernization of one region with the maintenance of structures in arrears in others, it was the economic relations that derived from this pact that made possible the construction of the Brazilian industrial poles. The process of accumulation in the developing regions was only possible by the underdeveloped regions' supply of abundant raw materials, a giant consumer market totally open to industrialized products and the abundant cheap labor of migrants.
Um primeiro efeito desse modelo foi o paulatino fortalecimento político dos grupos econômicos protagonistas do golpe de 64. Estes se voltaram contra os militares assim que eles tentaram distribuir o desenvolvimento, com a criação da Zona Franca de Manaus, ampliação da rede de Universidades Federais e realização de grandes obras de infraestrutura fora das regiões industrializadas, como a Transamazônica, por exemplo. As forças civis que organizaram o golpe de Estado, de repente, descobriram que o país vivia sob uma inaceitável ditadura que deixou como saldo, após 21 anos, os estados do Norte e Nordeste enfrentando problemas do século XVIII e o estado de São Paulo concentrando 2/3 da produção industrial do país. Esse acúmulo de indústrias em um só local, e nessa proporção, mudou a correlação de forças internas e produziu efeitos políticos que influenciam os caminhos do Brasil até hoje. Foi nesse cenário que o embate entre os trabalhadores organizados das indústrias paulistas e a elite local forjou o antagonismo, e sua expressão partidária, que pauta a política nacional desde os anos 90, mas que não expressa, necessariamente, os dilemas das demais regiões.
Outside the axis of industrialization, the debris of the old order kept manu militari left residues of Colonelism. As shown to exhaustion in the novel of the 8, with all the characteristic interjections of Northeastern speaking, originally the colonels were large landowners who held political control over a region through terror and welfare. The maintenance of these local powers was the counterpart of the states of the North and Northeast in the Brazilian modernization, which confined the politics in these regions to the disputes between backward agrarian oligarchies. For this reason, the central antagonism in these places had little relation to the type of polarization that came from São Paulo.
It was in this environment that Ciro Gomes emerged for politics. By the end of the year 70, the bill for the modernization project had arrived and was being divided with all of Brazil. During this period, Ceará was able to form a cohesive group of representatives of local society, who met at the Industrial Center of Ceará (CIC), at the time presided over by the businessman, and the future governor of the state, Tasso Jereissati. The people of Ceará understood well the role that the peripheral states played in Brazilian development and decided to change their destiny, starting the continuous process of changes that has been implemented there until today.
The group managed locally to change the correlation of forces, winning the election of the government of Ceará on 1986, and then the election of the capital city and several other cities in the state. They then united with PMDB dissidents from other regions and founded the PSDB, immediately launching into the party's internal dispute, on which Ceará's ambitious plan to change the Brazilian federative pact with the conquest of central power depended.
Afraid of the organized stubbornness of the new politicians of Ceará, the São Paulo wing of the PSDB tried to merge with the PMDB to dilute the emerging forces of the other regions. Defeated in the attempt, the project led by Ceará was strengthened, with the election of Tasso Jereissati for the presidency of the party in 1991. At that time, Ciro Gomes already governed the Ceará, narrowing its relation with the central power the following year, with the possession of the president Itamar Franco. Everything seemed to believe that the project would have the outcome planned. The main clue was the warnings issued by all press "New colonels of the northeast" , which were delivered by the characteristic accent and wanted to convert the already famous "Republic of the Cheese Bread" in the "Republic of Sobral".
Meanwhile, in the unknown "Republic of Paulista Avenue", until today invisible in Google Maps, was articulated the renewal of the old regional pact, with the PSDB of São Paulo sealing an agreement with the old agrarian oligarchies of the North and Northeast, represented in the PFL - former DEM codename. The Prince of Sociologists was crowned manager of the new model of accumulation, via financialization of the economy, and crushed, as the colonels of the novels, the possible resistances to the project.
Son of the reaction of 1932, FHC knew that Brazilian history does not respect the geography and stubbornness in joining the pampas gauchos with the mountains of Minas Gerais. To avoid the earthquakes that such disregard of the geological laws could cause, he placed the unarmed belligerent Rio Grande do Sul in a commercial war against subsidized agriculture in other countries. For Minas Gerais, he reserved one of the most terrible weapons of mass destruction ever launched in our territory: the Kandir Law. Named after its creator, the deputy of the São Paulo PSDB, Antônio Kandir, this law, enacted in 1996, started to exempt the taxes on the export of commodities . As a result, São Paulo's revenue remained practically untouched, while the public accounts of the exporting states were destroyed, with the justification of maintaining the balance of the country's trade balance.
In this end-of-story ending, Tasso watched the ships and gave up the fight. Ciro Gomes remains obstinate in the same ideal, promising to circumvent the current impasses with a new federative pact and denouncing, in good Cearensis, the official moneylender. The state of São Paulo has grown rich, but the life of its population remains as hard as anywhere else in the country - unless you are part of a tiny privileged class that has formed there. Rede Globo de Televisão continues its work, using its last sighs to show to the Nation the excesses of the family Sá Barreto and of the malicious Colonel Saruê, always warning that "this is a work of fiction, any similarity with names, people, facts or situations of real life will have been mere coincidence. "